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My dear countrymen, it is now fourteen months since my return. In the meantime, our confidence in the independence of our country has grown stronger and stronger, but the objective developments in our vital situation have caused us to feel a great deal of anxiety. The occupation of the country by two ideologically opposed armies is adding to the internal divisions of the people. The construction of the iron wall at the 38th parallel has not only caused national misery but also brought economic disruption, and the failure of the U.S-Soviet Joint Committee has rendered the decisions of the Trilateral Conference ineffective, whether in whole or in part. But we have remained silent because we have full confidence in the allies who have promised us our independence, and because we are infinitely grateful for them for expelling the enemy Japs from our land with precious life and blood. Even the plunder, rape, humiliation and murder committed by them everywhere is borne with the utmost patience and leniency. Our hearts are full of anger, but we have refrained from protesting it, lest we should hurt friendly relationship or be accused of disrespect.
But the only response was that ¡®more and more of our countrymen are in favor of the trusteeship¡¯ and that they want to ¡®prevent us from freely expressing our opinions about the U.S.-Soviet Joint Committee¡¯, which they don't know when it will resume. What a ruthless behavior it is! This is not only a tragedy for the Korean people, but also a tragedy for minority peoples around the world. However, even in the midst of this tragedy, we do not need to blame others, so we must reflect on the past while looking forward to our future. Since it is said ¡®Inpiljamoihu(ìÑù±í»Ù²ì¤ý)¡¯ which means a person despises, so if one does not clean up one¡¯s past mistakes and is busy without a plan for the future, it is not only futile, but it will only add to the contempt of others. Due to my own errors, I have ever failed to fulfill the expectations of my fellow countrymen and women, who have fervently favored and encouraged me. Moreover, I have brought you uncomfortableness because I relied on hopes through the establishment of the Democratic Congress, the signing of the U.S.-Soviet Joint Commission Statement No. 5, and the recent start of the left-right collaboration. I am lying in bed in the quiet of the night, questioning myself, and cannot sleep because of the intersection of all my feelings in my brain. My conscience is remorseful, and I have resolved to fulfill my responsibility and do my part to fulfill at least one tenth of your request, my fellow countrymen. However, when I look back at the independence camp, I see that it is in a state of incoherence. Because each party, each association, and each group has been established in the form of rivalry of local barons, the chain of command has not been established, and each of them has envied, slandered, ostracized, or intrigued, they couldn¡¯t move even a step forward. Taking advantage of the chaos, the gangs with masks of patriots and the pro-Japanese profiteers are leaping forward. Thus, inwardly, it will be a disappointment to the people, and outwardly, it will bring about the destruction of others. If we fail to organize this, our roaring about anti-trusteeship and independence, will be nothing more than spelling out self-deceptive rhetoric. Therefore, we must urgently purify, enlarge and strengthen the independence camp, reorganize it, and devise the best strategy for the independence movement and establish the unique supreme organization to run it. We don't need to create a new organization. We can choose one of the existing ones, the National Unification Association, the National Unification Headquarters, and the Emergency National Council. However, since the Emergency National Council has inherited the decades-old tradition of the independence movement, I advocate that it be joined by the National Unification Association and the National Unification Headquarters, and that the three organizations be unified first, and then enlarged and strengthened accordingly to fulfill the duties of the supreme body of the independence movement. The political parties shall unite in principle, but if it is not possible to unite immediately, they shall be closely affiliated, and each of political parties and each of sectoral movements (the sectoral movements shall also unite in principle) shall send authoritative representatives to the supreme body, and shall make joint efforts, while maintaining a strictly vertical relationship with the supreme body and its members, and shall be absolutely subject to its orders. Thereafter, under the direction of the supreme organization, the organization of training and propaganda for the people shall be seriously, effectively, and expeditiously promoted in order to build the independence camp firmly on the foundation of the people. But if, on the contrary, it should act out of character, either by an unplanned and spontaneous idea or by the impulse of a momentary excitement, it will only have the adverse effect of alienating itself from the people and losing international sympathy. It is with great regret that, in order to meet the exigencies of the situation, I have to put forward my usual principles in such a hasty manner and without good contents. However, this is subject to further discussion, and I am eager for your comrades to join me in striving to realize this principle. My final remarks concern the Anti-trusteeship Independence Struggle Committee. It is a temporary organization for the development of the anti-trusteeship movement, and will naturally come under its umbrella when the supreme body of our movement for independence is established, and can be dissolved if necessary. |